A Tiered Tax Allocation Framework for Structured Taxpayer Agency
Americans hold a wide range of views on what their government should fund. That diversity of perspective is not a flaw in the system — it is the system. And yet the federal tax structure treats every taxpayer's contribution identically, offering no structured mechanism for individuals to express whether they believe a given program serves America's best interest.
Tax Choice USA proposes a different approach. At its core, the framework rests on a simple premise: if you believe a program is in America's best interest, you fund it. If you don't, you shouldn't be forced to. This is not an argument for defunding government. It is an argument for building a system that takes seriously the civic interest taxpayers have in how their collective resources are allocated — and creates structured opportunities to express that interest.
The framework organizes federal spending into three tiers based on the nature of the funding obligation.
Tier 1 — Mandatory Core Funding encompasses programs essential to national stability, legal obligation, and the continuous operation of government. Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, national defense, net interest on the federal debt, veterans' benefits, SNAP, and critical public safety infrastructure are fully funded through mandatory allocation. No taxpayer choice is introduced. Tier 1 represents approximately $5.4 trillion, or 76 percent of total federal spending in FY2025.
Tier 2 — Directed Allocation covers programs where taxpayers may reasonably disagree on how much funding is appropriate. Each Tier 2 program receives a guaranteed funding floor that ensures operational continuity, plus a taxpayer-directed portion that reflects individual preference. The floor correlates directly with human dependency — the more people rely on a program in real time, the higher the floor. Tier 2 represents approximately $450 billion annually.
Tier 3 — Voluntary Funding applies to programs that meet one of two conditions: they are time-bound and project-based by nature, or they address areas where there is genuine national disagreement about whether the federal government should be involved at all. Tier 3 programs are funded only through voluntary taxpayer support. Tier 3 represents approximately $330 billion annually.
A critical structural principle governs the entire framework: tier classification is a congressional function. This paper proposes the architecture; Congress defines the boundaries. Implementation would require Congressional action to authorize taxpayer-directed allocation mechanisms, consistent with the Constitution's requirement that no money be drawn from the Treasury except through appropriations made by law. This is by design — Tax Choice USA does not seek to circumvent representative government, but to complement it.
Two boundaries deserve emphasis at the outset. First, this framework does not address waste, fraud, abuse, or operational inefficiency within government programs. Those are real problems, but they belong to a different problem space entirely. Tax Choice USA is about allocation, not efficiency. Second, this is an aspirational framework — a starting point for structured debate, not a finished legislative proposal. The tier classifications presented here are illustrative and subject to the congressional process.
Transparency is the prerequisite that makes all of this work. Choice without information is not meaningful choice. The framework assumes — and requires — that taxpayers have access to clear, standardized, and accessible reporting on how funds are used and what outcomes they produce.
The United States operates one of the most complex public funding systems in the world. It finances national defense, funds medical care for tens of millions, maintains infrastructure across fifty states, and supports a vast network of programs that touch nearly every dimension of American life. By most structural measures, it works — services are delivered, obligations are met, and the machinery of government continues to function.
But functioning is not the same as alignment. And it is in the gap between a system that works and a system that reflects the people it serves that the core problem emerges.
In a representative democracy, citizens delegate spending authority to elected officials — but delegation is not the same as abdication. Taxpayers have a legitimate civic interest in how collective resources are allocated, and a well-designed system should create structured opportunities to express that interest. Today, no such opportunities exist. The federal budget is assembled through a legislative process that, while representative in theory, offers individual taxpayers no direct mechanism to differentiate their priorities. Every dollar contributed is treated identically. A taxpayer who believes federal education funding is essential and a taxpayer who believes education is a state responsibility contribute the same way, to the same pool, with the same lack of influence over where their contribution lands.
This uniformity creates a compounding disconnect. Taxpayers cannot see, in any meaningful way, where their money goes. They cannot distinguish between programs they support and programs they do not. And over time, this absence of agency breeds frustration — not necessarily with the amount of taxation, but with the feeling that their role in the system begins and ends with the check.
The result is a growing sense among many Americans that the system does not reflect their view of what is in America's best interest. Reasonable people disagree — often sharply — on whether the federal government should fund international aid, subsidize specific industries, invest in space exploration, or maintain its current role in education. These are not fringe positions. They represent genuine, broadly held differences of opinion about the appropriate scope of federal involvement. Under the current structure, those differences have no outlet. Every taxpayer funds every program, regardless of whether they believe the program should exist at all.
This is not a problem that more information alone can solve, though transparency would help. It is a structural problem. The system was designed for an era in which centralized allocation was the only practical option. It has not evolved to accommodate the reality that Americans hold deeply varied — and often deeply considered — views on how their government should spend.
The opportunity, then, is not to dismantle the existing system but to evolve it. To preserve the stability that centralized allocation provides where it is genuinely needed, while creating structured space for taxpayer agency where reasonable disagreement exists. If you believe a program is in America's best interest, you fund it. If you don't, you shouldn't be forced to. That principle — applied carefully, within a framework that protects essential functions — is the foundation of what follows.
Any framework that introduces taxpayer choice into public funding must answer a prior question: on what basis are those choices structured? Tax Choice USA is not a market or a menu — it is a structured way for Americans to express what they believe in, within a system that still demands stability, shared obligation, and collective responsibility.
These principles do not resolve every tension the framework will encounter. They establish the guardrails within which the specific mechanics of each tier are designed — and they provide a consistent reference point for the design decisions that follow.
The Tax Choice USA framework organizes federal spending into three tiers, each reflecting a different relationship between taxpayer obligation and taxpayer agency. The tiers are not arbitrary. They follow a single organizing question: how much genuine disagreement exists about whether — and how much — the federal government should fund a given program?
Where the answer is "virtually none," funding is mandatory and fully allocated by Congress. Where reasonable people disagree on the appropriate level, taxpayers can direct a portion of their contribution. Where the federal role itself is genuinely contested, funding is voluntary.
To illustrate how the framework operates against real spending, FY2025 figures are used throughout this paper. Total federal spending that year was approximately $7.1 trillion, allocated across the three tiers as follows.
| Tier | Description | ~FY2025 | % of Spending |
|---|---|---|---|
| Tier 1 — Mandatory Core Funding | Essential programs, fully funded through mandatory allocation. No taxpayer choice. | ~$5.4T | 76% |
| Tier 2 — Directed Allocation | Mandatory contribution with taxpayer-directed portion across programs with guaranteed floors. | ~$450B | ~6% |
| Tier 3 — Voluntary Funding | Entirely voluntary. Programs with contested federal roles or project-based scope. | ~$330B | ~5% |
| Tiers 2 + 3 combined | ~$780B | ~11% | |
While Tiers 2 and 3 represent approximately 11 percent of total federal spending, this translates to nearly $780 billion annually — a meaningful starting point for structured taxpayer agency, with the architecture designed to expand as the model matures and public trust in the system grows. To put that figure in perspective, $780 billion exceeds the GDP of all but roughly twenty countries in the world. This is not a token gesture. It is a substantial starting point for a fundamentally different relationship between taxpayers and their government.
Tier 1 is the foundation. It represents the set of programs and obligations that must remain fully funded, fully predictable, and fully insulated from variability in taxpayer preference. No choice is introduced here — not because choice is undesirable, but because the consequences of funding disruption in these areas are unacceptable.
The programs in Tier 1 share a common set of characteristics. They are continuous, requiring uninterrupted funding to function. They are obligatory, rooted in legal commitments or structural necessities that cannot be deferred. They are systemically critical, meaning that disruptions would produce cascading effects well beyond the program itself. And they are unsuitable for demand-based funding — their value does not depend on whether any individual taxpayer chooses to support them in a given year.
These criteria are the gatekeepers. A program does not enter Tier 1 because it is important. Many important programs sit in Tiers 2 and 3. A program enters Tier 1 because the cost of funding instability — to individuals, to institutions, to the nation — is too high to tolerate.
| Program | ~FY2025 Spend |
|---|---|
| Social Security | $1.6T |
| Net Interest on Federal Debt | $1.0T |
| National Defense | $917B |
| Medicare | $1.0T |
| Medicaid | $600B |
| Veterans Benefits & Services | $370B |
| SNAP (Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program) | $100B |
| Administration of Justice (FBI, federal courts) | $85B |
| CDC / FDA (public safety functions) | ~$60B |
| Transportation Safety Infrastructure | ~$50B |
| General Government Operations | $30B |
| Total Tier 1 | ~$5.8T |
Illustrative FY2025 figures. Tier classifications subject to congressional determination.
National defense is included in Tier 1 in its entirety. While some observers have suggested that certain defense subcategories might eventually be candidates for taxpayer-directed allocation, this framework does not attempt that split. Defense planning operates on multi-year cycles with complex interdependencies, and introducing funding variability at any level would undermine the strategic continuity the system requires.
Net interest on the federal debt is a legal obligation, not a policy choice. The government must service its debt to maintain creditworthiness and access to capital markets. At approximately $1 trillion annually, it represents a substantial and non-negotiable portion of federal spending.
SNAP is designated Tier 1 given the immediacy of need and the dependency of millions of households on consistent access to nutrition assistance. However, as program administration matures and transparency around outcomes improves, a future framework could evaluate whether SNAP — or components of it — might transition to Tier 2 with appropriate baseline funding protections in place.
A final note on boundaries. One of the persistent risks in any tiered system is the gravitational pull toward expanding what qualifies as "core." The criteria outlined above — continuity, legal obligation, systemic criticality, unsuitability for demand-based funding — are designed to resist that expansion. Importance alone is not sufficient.
Tier 2 is where the framework delivers its central innovation. It introduces structured taxpayer choice into funding decisions — not by making programs optional, but by allowing individuals to influence how a defined portion of their contribution is distributed across programs where reasonable disagreement on funding levels exists.
The distinction is critical. Tier 2 does not ask taxpayers whether a program should exist. It asks how much relative priority that program should receive. Contribution to Tier 2 is mandatory. Direction is not. Taxpayers who prefer not to engage can default to a standard government allocation. But for those who want a voice, the mechanism is there.
Every Tier 2 program has two funding components. The first is a guaranteed floor — a baseline level of funding that the program receives regardless of how taxpayers direct their contributions. The second component is the taxpayer-directed portion — the share of funding that reflects aggregated individual preference.
The ratio between floor and choice follows a single governing principle: the floor correlates directly with human dependency. The more real people depend on a program in real time, the higher the floor.
| Program | ~FY2025 Spend | Floor | Choice |
|---|---|---|---|
| Income Security (non-SNAP) Unemployment, housing assistance, EITC, TANF |
~$200B | 85% | 15% |
| Transportation Grants Amtrak, highway and transit grants |
~$100B | 80% | 20% |
| Agriculture & Farm Subsidies Crop insurance, commodity programs, conservation |
~$60B | 70% | 30% |
| NIH Research Biomedical and public health research |
~$50B | 65% | 35% |
| Established Economic Subsidies Ongoing federal subsidies supporting specific industries |
~$40B | 60% | 40% |
| Total Tier 2 | ~$450B |
Floor percentages reflect human dependency — the more real people depend on a program in real time, the higher the guaranteed baseline.
The pattern is deliberate. Income security programs carry an 85 percent floor because the populations they serve depend on consistent access. A 15 percent choice window introduces taxpayer agency without threatening the lifeline. At the other end, established economic subsidies carry a 60 percent floor, reflecting that these programs serve populations and industries with greater capacity to absorb funding variability.
The default mechanism deserves emphasis. Taxpayers who prefer not to engage can have their Tier 2 contribution distributed according to a standard government allocation — likely reflecting current spending proportions or a policy-determined baseline. This ensures the system functions at any level of participation. High engagement produces a funding landscape that closely tracks public preference. Low engagement produces something closer to the status quo. Both outcomes are acceptable.
Over time, aggregated Tier 2 allocations produce a signal — a picture of what taxpayers collectively prioritize within the space where reasonable disagreement exists. Programs that attract strong support grow incrementally. Programs that attract less see slower growth or relative decline. No program disappears — the floor prevents that. But the incremental funding layer becomes a feedback mechanism, reflecting where the public sees the greatest value.
Tier 3 is where the framework's emotional origin lives. This is the tier that answers the question at the genesis of this framework: should taxpayers be compelled to fund programs when there is genuine national disagreement about whether the federal government should be involved at all?
The answer Tax Choice USA offers is straightforward. If you believe a program is in America's best interest, you fund it. If you don't, you shouldn't be forced to.
Tier 3 programs receive no guaranteed baseline. They are funded entirely through voluntary taxpayer support. This is not a judgment on their value — many Tier 3 programs address real needs, serve real communities, and produce real outcomes. Placement in Tier 3 is a statement about the nature of the federal role, not the importance of the work.
A program qualifies for Tier 3 if it meets either of two conditions. First, it may be time-bound and project-based — a program with a defined scope, a clear endpoint, and outcomes that can be evaluated on completion. Second, the federal role may be genuinely contested — meaning there is real, broadly held national disagreement about whether the federal government should be the entity doing this work, regardless of how well the program performs.
| Program | ~FY2025 Spend | Qualifying Reason |
|---|---|---|
| Education & Job Training | $100B | Contested federal role |
| Environmental & Conservation Programs | $88B | Contested federal role |
| Community & Regional Development | $85B | Project-based by nature |
| International Aid (non-military) | $50B | Contested federal role |
| Science, Space & Technology | $50B | Project-based / time-bound |
| Energy Programs | $40B | Contested federal role |
| Experimental Economic Subsidies | ~$15B | Project-based / time-bound |
| Total Tier 3 | ~$430B |
The placement of education in Tier 3 deserves direct discussion, because it is the classification most likely to draw immediate reaction. Education matters. No one involved in building this framework believes otherwise. But the question the framework asks is not whether education is important — it is whether the federal government is the right entity to fund it. And on that question, reasonable Americans disagree. Some believe federal involvement in education is essential to equity and national standards. Others believe education is fundamentally a state and local responsibility. Both positions are held sincerely, by large numbers of people, and neither is fringe.
Tier 3 introduces a dynamic that does not exist anywhere else in the framework: the possibility that a program does not get funded. This is not a bug. It is the mechanism through which the framework honors the principle at its genesis. The model will feel familiar to anyone who has backed a Kickstarter campaign — projects must make their case, earn support, and meet a threshold, or they don't move forward. Without the possibility of an unfunded outcome, choice is just theater.
The mechanics of each tier are best understood through practical application. The following scenarios illustrate how taxpayers might interact with the system and how funding decisions would play out in practice.
During annual tax filing, a taxpayer is presented with her Tier 2 allocation options. She reviews the program categories alongside standardized descriptions of what each funds and what outcomes it has produced. She feels strongly about biomedical research and believes transportation infrastructure has been underfunded for years. She directs 40 percent of her Tier 2 contribution to NIH research, 35 percent to transportation grants, and distributes the remaining 25 percent across the other categories. Her neighbor, a farmer in central Kansas, makes a different set of choices. Across millions of taxpayers, these individual decisions aggregate into a funding signal that shapes how incremental Tier 2 dollars are distributed. Both taxpayers contributed the same mandatory amount. Both exercised agency over where that contribution landed.
Not everyone wants to make allocation decisions, and the framework does not require them to. A taxpayer who prefers simplicity selects the default option, and his Tier 2 contribution is distributed according to a standard government allocation. The system functions identically whether 10 percent of taxpayers actively engage or 90 percent do.
A federal pilot program in workforce development is proposed under Tier 3. It has a defined scope — retraining displaced manufacturing workers in three Midwestern states over a four-year period — a clear budget of $200 million, and measurable outcomes tied to employment placement rates. It attracts broad voluntary support, meets its funding threshold, and launches. Four years later, its outcomes are evaluated. If the results are strong, proponents can make the case for renewal or even transition to Tier 2. The program earned its way in.
A proposed cultural initiative fails to reach its funding threshold within the designated period. It does not move forward. No taxpayer funds are allocated to it, and the resources remain available for other priorities. This outcome is not a failure of the system — it is the system working as designed. Its proponents can refine the proposal, build a broader coalition, seek private or philanthropic funding, or bring it back in a future cycle.
In a given year, aggregated Tier 2 allocations show increased support for NIH research and income security, while agriculture subsidies receive a smaller share of incremental funding. This does not mean agriculture programs are cut — their 70 percent floor ensures continued operation. But the signal is clear. Over time, these patterns provide policymakers with something they have never had — a direct, structured expression of where the public sees the greatest value.
These benefits are interdependent. Transparency enables informed choice. Informed choice produces meaningful data. Meaningful data improves accountability. And improved accountability builds the public trust that allows the system to expand over time.
Any framework that introduces choice into a system built on uniformity will introduce tradeoffs. Tax Choice USA does not claim to eliminate the tensions inherent in public funding — it claims to rebalance them.
The free rider problem is not unique to Tax Choice USA — it exists in the current system and would exist in any system that funds public goods through collective contribution. In Tier 3 especially, where funding is entirely voluntary, the gap between those who contribute and those who benefit without contributing becomes more explicit. The framework designs around it — through mandatory contribution in Tiers 1 and 2, through baseline floors that ensure program continuity.
Milton Friedman argued that the least disciplined form of spending is spending someone else's money on someone else, because the spender is indifferent to both cost and quality. The current system, by offering taxpayers no structured relationship with their contribution, creates exactly that condition. Tax Choice USA partially addresses this — but the psychological distance between "I chose to prioritize NIH research" and "I am personally accountable for NIH outcomes" remains substantial.
Programs with compelling narratives, visible outcomes, and emotional resonance will attract more support than programs with diffuse, long-term, or technically complex benefits — regardless of relative value. This bias operates at two levels: some programs are inherently more emotionally resonant by subject matter, while others win or lose based on how well they're communicated. The design of the information layer carries significant weight in how fairly this gap is managed.
Not all taxpayers will participate equally. The taxpayers who engage most actively will have disproportionate influence over incremental funding in Tier 2 and total funding in Tier 3. This mirrors dynamics that already exist in democratic participation — voter turnout, public comment periods, and political contributions all skew toward more engaged populations.
Introducing choice means accepting that funding levels across programs will shift over time. Tier 2 baseline floors limit the range of variability, but incremental funding will fluctuate with taxpayer preferences. This variability is a feature of a more responsive system, but it introduces planning challenges for programs with long lead times or multi-year commitments.
Implementing a tiered, choice-based allocation system would require new infrastructure: allocation interfaces integrated into tax filing systems, standardized program categorization, data aggregation and reporting capabilities, and oversight mechanisms. These requirements are manageable with modern technology, but they represent a meaningful investment.
Tax Choice USA is about allocation — where money goes. It is not about efficiency — how well money is spent once it gets there. Waste, fraud, abuse, and operational inefficiency within government programs are real and important problems. They are entirely outside the scope of this proposal. This boundary is deliberate.
These tradeoffs are not reasons to reject the framework. They are reasons to design it carefully. The question is not whether a perfect system exists. It is whether the tradeoffs introduced by Tax Choice USA are preferable to the tradeoffs of a system that offers taxpayers no structured agency at all.
A framework that introduces flexibility into public funding is only as credible as the boundaries that constrain it. Tax Choice USA works because it defines — clearly and in advance — where choice operates, where it does not, and what structural protections ensure that the system remains stable, fair, and constitutionally sound.
Article I, Section 9 of the U.S. Constitution states: "No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law." Implementation of this framework would therefore require Congressional action to authorize taxpayer-directed allocation mechanisms. This is by design — Tax Choice USA does not seek to circumvent Congressional authority. Tier classification is a congressional function. This framework proposes the architecture; Congress defines the boundaries.
The most persistent structural risk in any tiered system is boundary creep — the gradual expansion of what qualifies as "core" until the tiers that introduce choice are hollowed out. Maintaining boundary discipline requires clear classification criteria applied consistently, a structured review process for any proposed reclassification, and resistance to political pressure to make exceptions.
Tier classifications are not permanent. As programs evolve, as public trust in the system grows, and as transparency improves, Congress retains the authority to reassign programs between tiers. A Tier 3 pilot program that demonstrates strong outcomes may build a case for transition to Tier 2 with baseline funding protections. What matters is that the pathway exists and that movement between tiers is governed by principled criteria and congressional determination — not by political expediency.
The fairness of the system depends heavily on how programs are presented to taxpayers. Standardization — uniform descriptions of purpose and scope, comparable outcome reporting, consistent formatting and presentation — is essential. Without it, the system introduces bias that undermines the legitimacy of taxpayer-directed outcomes.
The allocation interface — likely integrated into existing tax filing platforms — should present clear options, provide accessible program summaries, and allow taxpayers to complete their selections quickly. Complexity is the enemy of participation.
Taxpayers who choose not to actively direct their contributions must have their funds distributed according to a standard allocation. The default ensures that the system produces reasonable outcomes at any level of participation and that the choice to disengage is not penalized.
The system will generate detailed data about taxpayer allocation preferences. Individual allocation decisions must be protected. Aggregated data should be published to support transparency and inform policy, but personal allocation records must remain confidential.
Tax Choice USA introduces structured choice, but it does not eliminate disagreement. It improves alignment between funding and preference, but it does not guarantee universal satisfaction. Clear communication of these realities — to policymakers, to the public, and within the system itself — is essential to long-term credibility.
Tax Choice USA is an aspirational framework, not a legislative bill. The distance between a white paper and a functioning system is significant, and closing that distance would require deliberate, phased work that tests assumptions before scaling commitments.
The most practical entry point is a limited pilot program that applies the framework to a narrow slice of federal spending. An initial rollout might introduce Tier 2 directed allocation across a small number of program categories, offered to a subset of taxpayers on an opt-in basis during the annual filing process. A parallel Tier 3 pilot could present a handful of clearly scoped, time-bound projects for voluntary funding. The goal of a pilot is not to prove the framework works at full scale — it is to generate real-world data on participation rates, allocation behaviors, administrative feasibility, and taxpayer experience.
The framework depends on taxpayers having access to clear, standardized information about programs, costs, and outcomes. That infrastructure does not exist today at the level this system requires. Before the allocation mechanism can function meaningfully, the information layer must be built. An allocation mechanism without adequate transparency produces noise, not signal, and would undermine public trust before the system has a chance to demonstrate its value.
To minimize friction and maximize adoption, the allocation interface should be embedded within existing tax filing platforms — both digital and assisted. Taxpayers should encounter their Tier 2 and Tier 3 options as a natural extension of the filing process, not as a separate system requiring new accounts or new credentials.
The temptation in any new system is to build for completeness from day one. That temptation should be resisted. Early phases should offer a limited number of Tier 2 categories, straightforward program descriptions, and a clean allocation interface that can be completed in minutes. The first priority is establishing a baseline experience that works.
A formal process must govern how programs are assigned to tiers, how classifications are reviewed, and how reclassification decisions are made. This process should be transparent, criteria-driven, and insulated — to the degree possible — from short-term political pressure. Without it, tier boundaries become a perpetual political negotiation.
Full implementation should occur only after the pilot has been evaluated, the transparency infrastructure has been tested, and the governance framework has been established. Each phase should be accompanied by evaluation — of participation rates, allocation patterns, administrative costs, and taxpayer satisfaction — with adjustments made based on evidence rather than assumption.
Tax Choice USA is not intended to be implemented as a static reform. It is a framework designed to evolve. The $780 billion starting point for Tiers 2 and 3 is exactly that — a starting point. The architecture is designed to grow as the system demonstrates its value and as the public develops confidence in the model. That growth should be earned, not assumed.
The Tax Choice USA framework begins and ends with a simple conviction: in a nation of 330 million people, it is neither realistic nor necessary to expect uniform agreement on every dimension of public spending. What is possible — and what this paper proposes — is a system that treats those differences as a feature rather than a problem, and channels them into structured participation rather than leaving them to frustration and disengagement.
The framework does not ask whether government should exist or whether taxes should be paid — it asks something more targeted: within the vast landscape of federal spending, are there areas where taxpayers should have a structured voice in how their contributions are allocated? Tax Choice USA answers yes — and offers a concrete architecture for how.
Tier 1 protects what must be protected — fully funded, fully mandatory, and fully insulated from the variability that choice would introduce. Tier 2 introduces structured agency where reasonable disagreement on funding levels exists. And Tier 3 honors the principle at the genesis of this framework: if you believe a program is in America's best interest, you fund it. If you don't, you shouldn't be forced to.
This paper does not claim to have solved the challenge of public funding. The tradeoffs are real, they have been acknowledged openly, and a framework that cannot withstand honest scrutiny does not deserve adoption.
What this paper does claim is that the current model — in which taxpayers contribute uniformly, receive no structured opportunity to express their priorities, and have no direct mechanism for aligning their contribution with their view of what serves America's best interest — is not the only model available. A better balance between stability and agency is achievable.
Tax Choice USA is an invitation — to policymakers, to policy thinkers, and to the American public — to consider whether structured taxpayer participation in funding decisions is both possible and desirable. It does not require immediate transformation. It requires thoughtful consideration, honest debate, and the willingness to test a new idea against the evidence.
The system we have was built for a different era. It has served well, but it has not evolved. This framework proposes a path forward — one that preserves what works, introduces agency where it belongs, and trusts the American taxpayer to participate in the decisions that shape their government.
Trust in the American taxpayer is the starting point. Everything else follows from it.
The following classifications are illustrative and subject to congressional determination. All spending figures reflect approximate FY2025 levels and are used for illustrative purposes only.
~$5.4 Trillion · 76% of Federal Spending · No taxpayer choice. Fully funded through mandatory allocation.
| Program | Definition | ~FY2025 |
|---|---|---|
| Social Security | Retirement, disability, and survivor benefits for eligible Americans | $1.3T |
| Net Interest on Federal Debt | Required interest payments on outstanding federal obligations | $1.0T |
| National Defense | Military operations, personnel, readiness, and procurement | $917B |
| Medicare | Health insurance for Americans 65+ and certain disabled individuals | $875B |
| Medicaid | Health coverage for low-income individuals and families, jointly funded with states | $600B |
| Veterans Benefits & Services | Healthcare, disability compensation, education, and housing benefits for veterans | $370B |
| SNAP | Supplemental nutrition assistance for low-income households | $100B |
| Administration of Justice | FBI, federal courts, U.S. Marshals, and federal law enforcement operations | $85B |
| CDC / FDA | Disease surveillance, outbreak response, food and drug safety oversight | ~$60B |
| Transportation Safety Infrastructure | Air traffic control, highway safety systems, and critical transportation oversight | ~$50B |
| General Government Operations | IRS tax administration, congressional operations, executive branch management | $30B |
| Total | ~$5.4T |
~$450 Billion · ~6% of Federal Spending · Mandatory contribution with taxpayer-directed portion. Floor correlates with human dependency.
| Program | Definition | ~FY2025 | Floor | Choice |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Income Security (non-SNAP) | Unemployment insurance, housing assistance, EITC, TANF, and related safety net programs | ~$200B | 85% | 15% |
| Transportation Grants | Amtrak operating support, highway and transit grants, general transportation funding | ~$100B | 80% | 20% |
| Agriculture & Farm Subsidies | Crop insurance, commodity programs, conservation payments, and rural development | ~$60B | 70% | 30% |
| NIH Research | Biomedical and public health research funded through the National Institutes of Health | ~$50B | 65% | 35% |
| Established Economic Subsidies | Ongoing federal subsidies supporting specific industries or economic activities | ~$40B | 60% | 40% |
| Total | ~$450B |
~$330 Billion · ~5% of Federal Spending · Entirely voluntary. Programs qualify if time-bound/project-based OR the federal role is genuinely contested.
| Program | Definition | ~FY2025 | Qualifying Reason |
|---|---|---|---|
| Education & Job Training | Federal K-12 funding, higher education grants, workforce development, and job retraining | $120B | Contested federal role |
| Environmental & Conservation | EPA operations, land conservation, wildlife protection, climate-related programs | $88B | Contested federal role |
| Community & Regional Development | HUD community grants, economic development initiatives, regional infrastructure projects | $85B | Project-based by nature |
| International Aid (non-military) | Foreign humanitarian assistance, development programs, global health initiatives | $50B | Contested federal role |
| Science, Space & Technology | NASA, NSF, and federally funded research with defined project scopes | $50B | Project-based / time-bound |
| Energy Programs | DOE programs, renewable energy subsidies, fossil fuel transition initiatives | $40B | Contested federal role |
| Experimental Economic Subsidies | Pilot programs testing new approaches to economic development or market intervention | ~$15B | Project-based / time-bound |
| Total | ~$330B |